Syria & Cruise Missile “Socialists”

The ISO and the war on Syria: Silly and shameful

 

In recent weeks there has been a real upsurge of activity on the part of the anti-war movement in the U.S. Protests have been held in scores of cities – more that 50 on Sept. 7 alone – including substantial demonstrations in cities like New York and Chicago. An article published in the Socialist Worker on Sept. 10, entitled “Standing against both war and dictatorship,” goes a long way toward explaining why the International Socialist Organization (ISO) has been by and large irrelevant, or worse yet, an obstacle to this growing movement against another U.S. war.

Penned by ISO member Eric Ruder, the article takes to task three socialist organizations: Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO), Workers World Party (WWP) and the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL) for supporting Syria in its fight to defeat a vicious onslaught from U.S. and Western imperialism, reactionary Arab states and the Israelis.

We in FRSO have constantly stated our views on this matter and we will always be on the side of those who resist imperialism.

Sectarianism directed at Syrian Americans

The anti-war movement is a united front, which brings together diverse viewpoints and forces. The level of political understanding about what’s happening in Syria is uneven and we need to unite people who have a wide range of perspectives. To oppose a U.S. attack on Syria, it is important that we have broad slogans that unite all who can be united, such as “Hands off Syria,” or “No U.S. war on Syria.” That’s a given.

It should also be a given that we build unity with Syrian Americans who are concerned about their loved ones at home and support their country in its battle with imperialism. Sadly this is not the case for the ISO.

In many cities, Syrian Americans have one of the most constant, dynamic, and in some cases, the largest force in the current anti-war movement. Most people would say that is a good thing, but not the ISO. Instead they complain about the flags, signs, and portraits that Syrian Americans bring to protests.

For example in Chicago, Syrian Americans have been extremely active in anti-war demonstrations. How does the ISO evaluate this? Ruder’s article says, “The ugly consequences of ‘antiwar’ support for the Syrian regime were easy to see in Chicago, where organizers of ‘Hands off Syria’ protests repeatedly turned over the platform to representatives of the Syrian American Forum…” Imagine that. Syrian Americans help organize demonstrations, turn out in large numbers and often speak from the platform.

The ISO, which has never been big on opposing U.S. intervention in Syria, was apparently “caught off guard” when they finally did make their way to the anti-war protests and found Syrian Americans expressing their views. It seemed “ugly” to them. Perhaps it is more a case of ISO playing the Ugly American.

ISO and the demonization of Syria

At the very moment when Washington and those who echo the master’s voice are trying to demonize the government of Syria, ISO is trying to do the same thing among left and progressive forces. So they criticize the Syrian government for being “inconsistent” opponents of imperialism and praise the “rebels.”

Let’s take a look at this. The government of Syria has done more to oppose imperialism than ISO will ever do. They help the Palestinians in a big way. Same goes for the patriotic and national democratic forces of Lebanon. Syria, Iran and the movements for national liberation in Lebanon and Palestine are central to the camp of resistance to imperialism and Zionism in the Middle East.

So what does the ISO article have to say about this? According to them not only is Syria an “inconsistent” opponent of imperialism, the article says “the West considers the Syrian regime a precious asset that can assist in maintaining the current hegemonic structure of power in the region, though their preference may be for it to be weakened and thus more subservient.”

The Bush administration used to say that Syria could be considered a part of his ‘Axis of Evil.’ Over the last couple of years Washington has spent over $1 billion to destroy the Syrian government and right now the U.S. is threatening a military attack. Yet in the world that ISO sees, Syria is a “precious asset” of the West. It is hard for serious people to take this kind of analysis seriously.

The point here is not to say that Syria is perfect or socialist or always does the right thing. What is being said is that we should not be joining our rulers in demonizing the Syrian government.

As for the ‘rebels,’ history’s verdict is in. One can debate the nature of the demonstrations against the Syrian government several years ago and what led up to them, but today, right now, the opposition is bought, paid for, and acting on behalf of the U.S. and the most reactionary of Arab regimes.

Anti-imperialism is a good thing

The U.S. has built an empire and that extends into Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East and some other places too. It exists to rip off the land, labor and natural resources of others while enriching the elite who run this country. This empire is a grim place, held together by U.S. military power, death squads and puppet governments.

It is positive that there are national liberation movements in places like Colombia and Palestine that are leading powerful movements to break free of imperialism. It is a step forward for the peoples subjugated by U.S. imperialism and they land blows on our common oppressor.

It is also a good thing that there are countries in this world that have left the orbit of imperialism. This includes Syria. It is good for the people of Syria, good for the struggle in the Middle East, and for all of us who want a world without imperialism.

ISO considers it strange that a socialist would take this view. In fact it is ISO that is the odd one out.

We recently reprinted a statement from the Syrian Communist Party, which reads in part, “The defense of Syria’s national regime, which faces, head held high, all methods of aggression, refusing humiliation and submission, means defending the country and its sovereignty and independence.” Frankly this is what the vast majority of revolutionaries around the world think. Check out what Cuba says about Syria or the government of Venezuela. One could go on and on like this but the point is clear enough.

Revolutionaries and socialists need to make a concrete analysis of concrete conditions; this is what Marxism is all about: understanding reality in order to change it. Everything in this world is the product of actual historical processes that we can know about, if we bother to study them. This includes Syria.

The ISO uses the opposite approach, which claims the world is what they would like it to be and what they say it is. In their world, the brutal foreign-backed Syrian opposition becomes the Arab revolution. They find progressive forces where they are not, and when forces resisting imperialism have shortcomings – they say that those resisting are the same as the imperialists.

The world never has and never will conform to a bunch of preconceived notions. The anti-war movement deserves something better than the ISO’s armchair critiques.

The people of Syria, the peoples of the world and the people of the U.S. face a vicious enemy that will go to any length to maintain its power and privilege. Building an anti-war movement under slogans like “Hands off Syria” and “No war with Syria” is the best way that people in this country can help to defeat U.S. imperialism’s attempt to dominate the Middle East. Washington is isolated right now. People don’t want another U.S. war. Together we can win.

Communists Worldwide Oppose Attacks on Syria

Source

We, the communist and workers’ parties, express our solidarity with the Syrian people and denounce the military attack against Syria which is being prepared by the imperialists of the USA, NATO and the EU together with their allies in order to promote their interests in the region.

We reject the pretexts of the imperialists which, as was demonstrated, were also used in the war against Iraq and in the other imperialist wars against Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and Libya.

We call on the working class, the peoples all over the world to oppose and condemn the new imperialist war, to demand that the governments of their countries have no involvement in and do not support the criminal military offensive.

29/8/2013

  1. Communist Party of Albania
  2. Algerian Party For Democracy And Socialism
  3. Communist Party of Australia
  4. Communist Party of Azerbaidjan
  5. Democratic, Progressive Tribune, Bahrain
  6. Communist Party of Bangladesh
  7. Communist Party Of Belarus
  8. Communist Party of Workers of Belarus
  9. Workers’ Party of Belgium
  10. Communist Party of Belgium (Wallonia-Brussels)
  11. Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia
  12. Communist Party of Brazil
  13. Brazilian Communist Party
  14. Communist Party of Britain
  15. New Communist Party of Britain
  16. Communist Party of Canada
  17. Communist Party of Chile
  18. Communist Party of Cuba
  19. The Progressive Party of the Working People – AKEL, Cyprus
  20. Communist Party of Denmark
  21. Communist Party in Denmark
  22. Danish Communist Party
  23. Communist Party of Finland
  24. Communist Workers’ Party of Finland
  25. Pole of Communist Revival, France
  26. URCF (France)
  27. Galician People’s Union, Spain
  28. Unified Communist Party of Georgia
  29. German Communist Party (DKP)
  30. Communist Party of Greece
  31. Hungarian Workers’ Party
  32. Tudeh Party of Iran
  33. Communist Party of Ireland
  34. The Workers Party of Ireland
  35. Communist Party of Israel
  36. Party of the Italian Communists
  37. Communists People’s Left-Communist Party, Italy
  38. Activist Group Shiso-Undo, Japan
  39. Jordanian Communist Party
  40. Socialist Party of Latvia
  41. Socialist People’s Front of Lithuania
  42. Communist Party of Luxembourg
  43. Communist Party of Malta
  44. Communist Party of Mexico
  45. Partido Socialista APN, Mexico
  46. People’s Resistance, Moldova
  47. New Communist Party of the Netherlands
  48. Communist Party of Norway
  49. Communist Party of Pakistan
  50. Palestinian Communist Party
  51. Palestinian People’s Party
  52. Philippine Communist Party [PKP-1930]
  53. Communist Party of Poland
  54. Portuguese Communist Party
  55. Communist Party of the Russian Federation
  56. Communist Workers’ Party of Russia
  57. Communist Party of Soviet Union
  58. New Communist Party of Yugoslavia
  59. Communist Party of Slovakia
  60. Communist Party of Spain
  61. Communist Party of the People of Spain
  62. Sudanese Communist Party
  63. Communist Party, Sweden
  64. Communist Party of Sweden
  65. Communist Party of Southern Switzerland (federate to Swiss Labour Party)
  66. Syrian Communist Party
  67. Syrian Communist Party [Unified]
  68. Communist Party of Tadjikistan
  69. Communist Party of Turkey
  70. Labour Party of Turkey (EMEP)
  71. Communist Party of Ukraine
  72. Union of Communists of Ukraine
  73. Communist Party of Venezuela
  74. Party for Socialism and Liberation (USA)
  75. CPUSA
  76. Freedom Road Socialist Organization (USA)
  77. Workers World Party (USA)

Detroit Struggles vs. Emergency Manager

Kris Hamel

The struggle of Detroit residents to save our city from ruin by the banks and financial institutions has gone into high gear with the calling of two important demonstrations by the Moratorium Now! Coalition to Stop Foreclosures, Evictions & Utility Shutoffs. Several dozen activists from many key organizations involved in the struggle against the imposition of the “emergency [financial] manager” appointed by the state met on May 29 to discuss strategy and plan for building the protests.

Kevyn Orr, the EM appointed by Gov. Rick Snyder, will face Detroit residents at two public forums, both inside and outside. The protests will take place on Thursday, June 6, at 5:30 p.m., at Greater Grace Temple, 23500 W. Seven Mile; and on Monday, June 10, 5:30 p.m., at Martin Luther King Jr. High School, 3200 E. Lafayette.

Orr is a financial lawyer and bankruptcy advocate who activists say is working on behalf of the state to put the banks’ financial interests ahead of the people, at devastating costs. Moratorium Now! issued a statement on May 29, which notes in part:

“Orr’s May 12 Financial and Operating Plan admits that it is the massive debt service imposed on Detroit by the banks and financial institutions which is the source of the financial crisis strangling the city.

“Orr reported that the city had negative cash flow of $115.5 million in fiscal year 2012. His report reflects that the entire deficit is accounted for by debt service payments owed to the banks. …

“Orr’s report states that in 2013 the City is paying $139.9 million in debt interest to the banks. The largest percentage of that interest is in pension obligation certificates, including swaps totaling $78.9 million, where the banks locked the City into high interest rate payments at the precise moment when the actual interest rate paid on the bonds was sinking to near zero. The City is paying an additional $105.8 million in debt principal in 2013. According to Orr’s report, debt service, principal plus interest, amounts to 19.3 percent of the City’s budget.”

These shocking statistics are bad enough, but Orr’s job is to see to it that the banks get paid. The coalition stated: “As Emergency Manager, Orr is mandated under the law to guarantee the payment of debt service to the banks. Any talk of ‘renegotiating the debt service’ by Orr is a sham to cover up his real job, to gut City services and sell off City assets on the banks’ behalf. In contrast to mandating payment of debt service, Orr is empowered under the law to break every contract that benefits Detroit’s workers and residents. He is threatening to sell off DIA [Detroit Institute of Arts] art works to pay the banks!

“Orr is looking at bankruptcy as his ultimate move. Why? Because only in bankruptcy can he go after the City workers’ pensions, which are the real target in ‘financial reform’ that only benefits the banks.”

The coalition is demanding an immediate moratorium or halt on all debt service payments by the city of Detroit to the banks. Activists point out that these same banks destroyed the city with their racist, predatory lending practices, which led to tens of thousands of home foreclosures and the devastation of vast sections of the city’s neighborhoods.

“The banks owe us billions of dollars for the destruction they have caused! They must be made to pay for the reconstruction of our communities!” said the coalition.

For more information on this anti-austerity struggle against the banks, contact Moratorium Now! at 313-680-5508; visit moratorium-mi.org; and go to detroitdebtmoratorium.org to view documents and articles on how the banks destroyed Detroit.

Anti-Erdogan Protests Spread Across Turkey

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Countercurrents

In Turkey, the police forces retreated from Taksim in Istanbul. The retreat was ahead of a march by the Republican People’s Party (CHP). But before the police withdrawal a brutal crackdown targeting demonstrators protesting the demolition of the Gezi Park went on for over a day. Clashes broke out in Istanbul ‘s symbolic Istiklal Avenue, the Besiktas and Harbiye districts. Police have clashed with protesters in the capital Ankara . Officials said more than 90 protests had taken place across Turkey . The protests have spiraled into widespread anti-government unrest and anger over the perceived “Islamisation” of Turkey.

Thousands of protesters entered Taksim Square and even took over Gezi Park , which had been cordoned off by the police after a very violent dawn raid on demonstrators on May 31. The raid had triggered some of the largest clashes between police and peaceful protesters in Turkey in recent years after activists occupied Gezi Park on May 28.

The police, despite withdrawing, fired back a tear gas salvo at protesters in the Istiklal Avenue, Harbiye and Besiktas connections to Taksim Square . Police used a huge amount of tear gas at the Harbiye entrance of Gezi Park while protesters were at the same time able to gather in numbers at Taksim Square .

Despite a festive atmosphere in Taksim, clashes broke out again just a few kilometers away close to Besiktas, where the Istanbul Office of prime minister Erdogan is located. Police continued to attack with tear gas and water cannon despite the earlier calls for truce by the officials. Protesters responded chanting behind barricades to avoid police intervention.

However police fired once again, entering the pedestrian street with a water cannon riot vehicle.

Despite the repeated police interventions, the numbers gathered at the protests only increased. Protesters chanted slogans against the ruling Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) and Erdogan, calling on the government to resign.

Between 4,000 and 5,000 protesters gathered in  Istiklal Street this morning.

Resentment

There is also resentment from mainly pro-secular circles toward the prime minister’s Islamic-rooted government and toward Erdogan himself, who is known for his abrasive style. He is accused of adopting an increasingly uncompromising stance and showing little tolerance of ­criticism.

In a surprise move last week, the government passed legislation curbing the sale and advertising of alcoholic drinks, alarming secularists. Many felt insulted when Erdogan ­defended the move by calling people who drink “alcoholics”.

Unfortunately, there isn’t a prosecutor brave enough to stand up to police.

“The people are standing up against Erdogan who is trying to monopolize power and is meddling in all aspects of life.”

Tusiad representing Turkey ‘s leading industrialists and an influential Turkish business group criticized the force used on the protesters and urged more government tolerance.

Ankara

A report by Hurriyet (“Capital city rocked by police crackdown on solidarity protest with Gezi Park ”) said:

Security forces in Ankara also staged a violent crackdown on demonstrators who organized a solidarity protest May 31 against the demolition of Taksim Gezi Park .

Police blocked the arterial roads connecting to Kizilay, Çankaya and Kugulu Park , the three main focal points of the capital city.

Security forces used tear gas and water cannons to quell thousands of protesters. Some protesters were reportedly injured following police’s heavy intervention.

The demonstration had started peacefully as thousands of Ankara locals gathered at Kugulu Park , their own little patch of green in the center of the city, to show their solidarity with the protesters in Istanbul being subject to a brutal police raid.

1,000 arrested

A SkyNews report by Guldenay Sonumut from Istanbul said:

Authorities have arrested almost a 1,000 people across the country.

Riot police backed by armored vehicles and helicopters in Istanbul had for much of Saturday fought running battles with thousands of people who turned out to protect a park in the city’s Taksim Square .

What started as a peaceful environmental protest turned into a national demonstration against the Islamist-rooted government of Erdogan that is seen by many as authoritarian.

Crowds of protesters chanting “shoulder to shoulder against fascism” and “government resign” marched on Taksim Square , littered with broken glass, rocks and an overturned vehicle.

Erdogan said: “If this is about holding meetings, if this is a social movement, where they gather 20, I will get up and gather 200,000 people. Where they gather 100,000, I will bring together one million from my party.”

Other cities

Support rallies have gathered in Ankara , Izmir , Kocaeli and Adana and their numbers are increasing.

On Thursday morning, riot police were sent to disperse the sleeping protesters camping in the park. Videos of masked police burning down tents and firing tear gas at unarmed people shocked the public.

The protesters rallied once more on Thursday night and the situation got worse on Friday morning.

The police raid was more brutal than the previous day and people who were trying to escape police got crushed under a wall they were trying to climb.

The videos spread quickly through social networks while news channels and mainstream media failed to report on what was starting to become a social resistance movement.

Throughout Friday, protesters tried re-entering the park that had been sealed off by police barricades.

People from all walks of life rallied around this seemingly unimportant protest. University students, actors, journalists, artists, young or old, conservative or liberal, were all united in the movement.

Social media has become the main source of information and people are now afraid the government will shut down the internet.

Twitter has become the eyes and ears of the Gezi movement. Protesters relay crucial information about police barricades, open roads, injury status or emergency situations.

Ambulance hindered

Police closed access to ambulances on Friday and protesters who were injured asked for medical help via Twitter or Facebook.

A group of medical students and doctors volunteered and their names and numbers were quickly broadcast on Twitter, urging protesters to call them if anyone was seriously injured.

Lawyers have volunteered their services to those who have been arrested.

When police started using jammers to stop communication in Taksim, shops, cafes and businesses shared their wifi passwords on Twitter to help everyone share their pictures and videos.

The UK Foreign Office said on its website: ‘Demonstrations are taking place in Istanbul and in other cities across Turkey , including Ankara .

‘Police are using tear gas and water cannon in response. We advise British nationals to avoid all demonstrations.’

Groups of mostly young men and women, bandanas or surgical masks tied around their mouths, used Facebook and Twitter on mobile phones to try to organize and regroup in side streets.

‘People from different backgrounds are coming together. This has become a protest against the government, against Erdogan taking decisions like a king,’ said Oral Goktas, a 31-year old architect among a peaceful crowd walking towards Taksim.

Turkey followed a move forbidding female flight attendants at Turkey ‘s national airline from wearing red lipstick and nail polish.

Turkey has remained a secular constitution since the modernizing reforms of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who threw religion out of public life in the 1920s and 1930s as he rebuilt Turkey from the ruins of the Ottoman Empire .

The powerful military views itself as the ultimate guarantor of Turkey’s secular order and has ousted four democratically elected governments in the past 50 years, most recently in 1997 when with public support it drove out a cabinet it viewed as too Islamist.

Under Erdogan’s leadership the country has relaxed restrictions on religious expression, including lifting the ban on head scarves in courts and schools.

The unrest reflects growing disquiet at the perceived authoritarianism of Erdogan and his Islamist-rooted Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Riot police clashed with tens of thousands of May Day protesters in Istanbul this month.

There have also been protests against the government’s stance on the conflict in neighboring Syria , and warnings against public displays of affection.

‘This isn’t just about trees any more, it’s about all of the pressure we’re under from this government. We’re fed up, we don’t like the direction the country is headed in,’ said 18-year-old student Mert Burge.

He said he had come to support the protesters after reading on Twitter about the police use of tear gas, adding: ‘We will stay here tonight and sleep on the street if we have to.’

Protesters also rallied at two locations in Izmir , according to pictures on social media.

A Turkish woman of Palestinian origin was in a critical condition after being hit by a police gas canister, hospital sources said.

A total of 12 people, including a pro-Kurdish MP and a Reuters photographer, suffered trauma injuries and hundreds suffered respiratory problems due to tear gas, doctors said.

In Washington , the U.S. State Department said it was concerned with the number of injuries and was gathering its own information on the incident.

Hundreds of military officers have been jailed for plotting a coup against him in recent years. Academics, journalists, politicians and others face trial on similar charges.

Erdogan He has made no secret of his ambition to run for the presidency in elections next year when his term as prime minister ends, increasing opposition dismay.

‘Kiss protests,’ in which demonstrators are urged to lock lips, had already been planned for Istanbul and Ankara this weekend after subway officials were reported to have admonished a couple for kissing in public a week ago.

Speaking a few miles from Gezi Park at the launch on Wednesday of construction of a third bridge linking Istanbul ‘s European and Asian shores, Erdogan vowed to pursue plans to redevelop Taksim Square . Architects, leftist parties, academics, city planners and others have long opposed the plans.

Court ruling

From Istanbul a report by Anatolia News Agency (“Court suspends planned Artillery Barracks project to replace Gezi Park ”) said:

Protesters received good news from an administrative court May 31 which ruled for the suspension of the Artillery Barracks project planned to be built on the site of Istanbul ‘s most central park.

Most shops did not open after the violence of the previous day, and one of the busiest streets of Istanbul looked completely paralyzed on Saturday. Jammers located around Taksim Square hindered demonstrators’ access to the Internet.

Crowds also crossed the Bosphorus Bridge to the European side in the early morning hours of June 1, seeking to reach Taksim Square . However, their route was blocked by police who again fired tear gas and water cannon near the Besiktas district.

Major connections leading to Taksim were blocked by the riot police, who fired tear gas without making any distinction between protesters and locals. Two choppers circled the skies in the area while ambulances continuously brought new patients to the hospitals. Dozens of protestors were injured. Several hotels around the Taksim area provided support to the injured or those who suffered respiratory problems due to tear gas.

Some residents in the area banged pots and pans from their homes to protest the government over the crackdown and express support for the protesters in the streets.

Main opposition CHP leader Kemal Kiliçdaroglu said Turkey does not want to experience the Germany of 40’s in 2013 while responding to journalists in Ankara , before moving to Istanbul for a march to the Taksim square together with CHP deputies and supporters.

The protesters, who started their mobilization to raise awareness on the demolition of one of the city’s last remaining green areas, started chanting for the resignation of Erdogan following the police’s relentless tear gas campaign.

Prime minister Erdogan said police had made “mistakes” in the force they have used, but has called for an end to the Istanbul protests.

The protesters say Gezi Park is one of the few green spaces left in Istanbul , and that the government is ignoring their appeals for it be saved.

Their protest began with a small number of people staging a sit-in in the park at the start of the week.

On Friday, clashes broke out as police fired tear gas to try to clear them out.

One protester, Koray Caliskan, told the BBC people felt “victorious”. “This is the first time in Turkey ‘s political history that a million people moved into Taksim Square to claim their public park,” he said.

The BBC’s Shaimaa Khalil in Istanbul says the mood changed as darkness fell, and that the largely young crowd appeared to be growing increasingly agitated.

Similar clashes were seen on the streets of the capital, from where video footage emerged which appeared to show a group of protesters being run over by a water cannon vehicle.

The ruling AK Party has its roots in political Islam, but he says he is committed to Turkey ‘s state secularism.

A BBC report said:

As police withdrew hundreds of demonstrators went to the square to celebrate what they see as a victory. Several dozen linked arms and danced in a circle. Others let off fireworks. Many wore home-made gas masks and goggles round their necks.

A news.scotsman.com report by Bulut Emiroglu said:

The police retreat is an apparent move to end tensions from two days of anti-government protests.

The protests grew out of anger at heavy-handed police tactics on Friday to break up a peaceful sit-in by people trying to protect a park in Taksim square.

The park demonstration turned into a wider protest against Erdogan, who is seen as becoming increasingly authoritarian, and spread to other Turkish cities despite the court decision to temporarily halt the demolition of the park. A human rights group said hundreds of people were injured in scuffles with police.

Protesters called on Erdogan to resign. In the capital, Ankara , police clashed with protesters who gathered at a park close to Erdogan’s office.

Police prevented a rally in central Ankara , near a building housing Erdogan’s office, firing tear gas as people started to gather.

The leader of Turkey ‘s pro-secular, main opposition party called on Erdogan to immediately withdraw police from Taksim.

Ozturk Turkdogan, the head of the Turkish Human Rights Association, said hundreds of people in several cities were injured in the police crackdown and a few hundred people were arrested.

The protest was seen as a demonstration of the anger that had already been building toward Turkish police who have been accused of using inordinate force to quash demonstrations and of firing tear gas too abundantly, including at this year’s May Day rally.

Erasing Rosa Parks’ Legacy

Rosa Parks may be lionized for her defiance on the bus, but that episode doesn’t do justice to her career as an organizer.

Samir Sonti

Black History Month just ended, which means grade schools nationwide recently celebrated how the Civil War abolished slavery, that George Washington Carver invented peanut butter, and, of course, how the Civil Rights Movement ended segregation and disfranchisement. Children everywhere rehearsed familiar narratives about how after enduring years of racist oppression, valiant African-American women and men like Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King Jr. peacefully demanded and secured equal rights.

And in a bizarre reminder of the political significance the struggle for civil rights still carries, Barack Obama and John Boehner capped the month with a rare joint appearance to unveil a statue of Parks in the Capitol building on the same day that the Supreme Court heard a challenge to the Voting Rights Act of 1965. We can expect a ruling a few months before we celebrate the 50thanniversary of the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, where, on August 28, 1963, King delivered his renowned “I Have a Dream” speech.

It’s sadly unsurprising to learn that Parks is the first black woman to be memorialized in Statuary Hall, space already occupied by such loyal patriots as John C. Calhoun, Alexander Stephens, and Jefferson Davis. But if Parks’ statue is a victory it’s rendered a bit less sweet by the myths told about her.

The big story hardly needs retelling. After refusing to give up her seat at the front of a Montgomery bus to a white man – and thus disobeying a municipal ordinance requiring blacks to stand so whites could sit – Parks was arrested, an action that sparked the city’s 1955 bus boycott, which introduced King to the world. The statue, predictably, is modeled off the classic photograph of Parks seated on the bus with her pensive gaze cast out the window.

But that the photograph was staged speaks volumes.

Parks may be lionized for her defiance on the bus, but that episode doesn’t begin to do justice to her remarkable career as an organizer. As Brooklyn College political scientist Jeanne Theoharis notes in her recent biography, The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks, “One of the greatest distortions of the Parks fable has been the ways it missed her lifetime of progressive politics.” Another great distortion is the extent to which it ignores the collective nature of Parks’s ostensibly individual action.

At the time of her arrest, Rosa Parks was Secretary of the Montgomery local of the NAACP, a branch that had deep roots in the city’s trade union movement. A few years earlier, as an advisor to the local’s Youth Council, she helped young African-Americans organize a campaign to borrow books from whites-only libraries. And just months before the boycott she spent time at the Highlander Folk School – a legendary leftist organizing academy supported by and influential in the growth of the CIO – as part of a program on how to organize in the climate fostered by the Supreme Court’s 1954Brown v. Board of Education decision. Suffice it to say she was no novice when she held her ground on the bus.

Moreover, her action wasn’t spontaneous but was planned in conjunction with the NAACP and area trade unions. Meeting her at the jail with bail money was E.D. Nixon, president of both the city’s NAACP chapter and the Montgomery local of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters (BSCP). Nixon also recruited the 26-year-old newcomer to Montgomery, King, to speak in support of the boycott. In 1935, the BSCP, under the leadership of A. Philip Randolph, became the first African-American-led union to join the AFL after a grueling but ultimately victorious ten year campaign to organize sleeping car porters for the Pullman Company.

At the time, the Pullman Company was one of the largest private employers of African-Americans in the country. It was also the company that the American Railway Union, whose leadership included Eugene Debs, waged an unsuccessful national strike against in 1894, one of the more famous struggles in the late nineteenth century graveyard of labor strife.

Randolph himself was among the most important – and most often forgotten – civil rights leaders. For years he challenged the mainstream African-American advocacy organizations to support trade union struggles, a step to which they were initially cool (understandably, given the AFL’s history of racial exclusivity). In the early 1940s he spearheaded the March on Washington Movement, the predecessor to the demonstration two decades later, which pushed Franklin Roosevelt to sign an executive order desegregating defense production industries. And he was instrumental in orchestrating the 1963 march that drew a quarter million people to the National Mall demanding federal civil rights legislation. Indeed, while Randolph’s accomplishments are too numerous to document here, it’s without question that the Civil Rights Movement as we know it wouldn’t have occurred without him.

That Parks’ legacy is so completely sanitized of this collective, working-class backdrop teaches us at least two things. First, it testifies to the remarkable power of neoliberal ideology. It’s much easier to attribute the civil rights victories to a few entrepreneurial activists than to recognize that it was the product of years of struggle by thousands of people who organized at workplaces and in communities demanding economic and political justice. The “fable,” moreover, fits neatly within neoliberalism’s simultaneous celebration of diversity and intensification of inequality. As Adolph Reed recently put it, “The tale type of individual overcoming has become a script into which the great social struggles of the last century and a half have commonly been reformulated to fit the requirements of a wan, gestural multiculturalism.”

Second, and just as significant, it’s a reminder of how important a labor movement is to serious progressive politics. Parks’ action, the bus boycott it initiated, and the prominence to which it catapulted King, not to mention all the tireless and thankless work innumerable activists devoted to building the movement, wouldn’t have been possible without organizational and material support from unionized workers. That King was assassinated on a trip to Memphis in support of striking sanitation workers is a poignant reminder of how entwined the two movements were.

In February 1965, Bayard Rustin, a behind the scenes civil rights organizer and adviser to King, wrote an article for Commentary magazine entitled “From Protest to Politics: The Future of the Civil Rights Movement,” where he observed that, “The very decade which has witnessed the decline of legal Jim Crow has also seen the rise of de facto segregation in our most fundamental socio-economic institutions … At issue, after all, is not civil rights, strictly speaking, but social and economic conditions.”

Rustin’s point was that while the movement had dismantled de juresegregation, most African-Americans continued to face economic problems and, consequently, that those fundamentally working-class concerns needed to be the next target. If we in the twenty-first century are serious about challenging inequality, both economic and racial, we need to start thinking the same way.

Millions of Indian Workers Go On Strike

Sunil Freeman

An estimated 100 million Indian workers went on strike Feb. 20 and 21 in opposition to the government’s harsh new economic policies. Eleven major trade unions organized the general strike, which was called in response to sharply rising costs of living, low wages and poor working conditions. Several sectors were hit, with the major impact on transportation, banking and manufacturing. Maruti Suzuki India, a car manufacturer with a history of militant labor action by its workers, closed in response to the strike.

Attendance at some government offices was down and many education institutes were closed as teachers’ unions joined the strike. Universities canceled exams.

The Indian government has struggled recently as economic growth has slowed to a 10-year low. Its response has included reducing fuel subsidies and moving to open the country’s retail and aviation industries for exploitation by foreign corporations, raising concerns about rising unemployment. Labor organizers criticized the economic policies as anti-poor. Workers have also expressed anger about widespread corruption.

Tapan Sen, general secretary of the Centre of Indian Trade Unions, charged that “[w]orkers are being totally ignored, and this is being reflected in the government’s anti-labour policies.”Two deaths were reported, and nearly 100 were arrested in incidents related to the strike.

The strike showed the growing militancy and strength of India’s working class, which is rising up in opposition to the government’s neo-liberal economic policies. The work stoppage dealt a blow to capitalist profits. The Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry, a prominent group representing Indian business interests, acknowledged that the strike had resulted in an estimated loss of 260 billion rupees (equivalent to approximately $4.7 billion).

Strike for America: How Chicago Teachers Fought Neoliberal Education Reform

Micah Uetricht

For the better part of the last century, the relationship between the Democratic Party and the labor movement has changed little. It appears set in stone, with no amount of neglect or disrespect or, increasingly, outright hostility from Democrats able to affect much more than private grumbling from labor.

And for nearly that long, labor’s left observers and participants have described it as a relationship gone sour, often in hopes that labor would call the whole thing off. Historian Mike Davis called it a “barren marriage;” a more common characterization is that of an “abusive relationship.”

Perhaps such observers should work on some new metaphors. But overblown analogies are understandable: with the rise of a strong neoliberal wing over the last several decades and an increasing number of Democrats no longer even feigning to be troubled with placating unions–once seen as a central constituency for the party–or a broader agenda of equality and social justice, unionists and their partisans have grown increasingly exasperated at party policies that look more and more like those of Republicans.

This is particularly true in the case of education reform, where Democrats have swallowed the Right’s free market orthodoxy whole. Much of the party appears to have given up on education as a public project.

This is a shift that necessarily entails an attack on teachers and their unions. But like the rest of labor, American teachers unions have been unable to articulate a cogent critique of that shift within the Democratic Party and the policy proposals it has produced. The broader agenda has been occasionally challenged, but the sectors of the party pushing it have remained beyond reproach.

The Chicago Teachers Union has made a decisive break with this approach.

The union has been unafraid to identify the education reform agenda pushed by Mayor Rahm Emanuel and his party nationally as an attempt to exacerbate inequalities within the education system, strip teachers of power and erode their standards of living, and chip away at public education as an institution, and to call such Democrats enemies. Rather than continuing an insider strategy that has netted so little for the rest of labor over the years, the CTU has entered into open opposition with the neoliberal wing of the party.

At the same time, the union has put forth its own vision of reform, both at the bargaining table and in the streets through their engagement in mass action, their September strike, and their formal policy recommendations. It is a vision that explicitly rejects the Democratic Party’s education agenda and offers a strong program to shore up public schools as a public good–stronger than any reform proposals by the two major national teachers unions.

Hostility to labor has become common in certain circles of a party that once depended on it. The CTU offers some ideas for how to reverse such antagonism.

The relationship between American unions and the Democratic Party has not changed significantly since the CIO endorsed Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1936 and formed the first Political Action Committee (PAC) in 1943 in preparation for his reelection. The former nonpartisan strategy of the AFL, of rewarding friends and punishing enemies regardless of their party affiliation, was discarded in favor of a long-term alliance with the Democrats.

That alliance was unable to enact many of labor’s significant legislative priorities in the 1940s and 1950s like expansion of the welfare state, with the task essentially being left to unions themselves to negotiate with industry in private, unavoidably piecemeal efforts. The benefits of the relationship perhaps weren’t tangible to union members and the wider working class, but it allowed labor leaders pursuing an insider political strategy to surround themselves with Democrats of stature and feel like they, too, were Men of Stature.

Labor leaders, even from ostensibly progressive wings, would continually beat back attempts from the left to end such an uncritical insider strategy with the party whenever they sprang up, despite the seemingly diminishing returns from unions’ investment in the relationship after the 1970s.

Unions are still major funders of Democrats and their principal foot soldiers during elections, engaging in massive mobilizations on the party’s behalf. Labor has given over $700 million to Democrats since 1990. In 2012, that number was over $53 million, with the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) actually taking out a $5 million loan to support Democratic Senate races. The party, meanwhile, continues its drift rightward, unmoved by the sight of the defenders of the working class half-heartedly beckoning them back with one hand while tossing them endless cash and members’ energy with the other.

There are few clearer indications of this shift–and of unions’ inability to halt it–than in education policy.

High-stakes standardized testing, merit pay for teachers, school closures, privatization and union-busting through charter school expansion, blaming teachers and unions for the dismal state of poor urban schools, an unshakable faith in the free market as the Great Liberator of the wretched, over-regulated student masses – all proposals and ideas embraced and promoted by much of the Democratic Party, including President Obama and Secretary of Education Arne Duncan. Teachers unions’ leadership has offered repeated concessions on reform proposals while timidly demurring on the particularly odious ones; their protests have fallen on deaf ears.

That agenda is one the city of Chicago is familiar with. Chicago has long been one of the principal testing grounds for neoliberal education reform. Mayor Richard M. Daley, a Democrat from a Democratic political family in that most Democratic of big cities, and Duncan, then CEO of CPS, crafted Renaissance 2010, a program begun in 2004 which pushed closures and “turnarounds” of neighborhood schools and replacing them with nonunion, publicly funded charters, and is largely the basis for the Race to the Top program Duncan currently oversees as Secretary of Education.

Rahm Emanuel and the Board of Education — which includes billionaire hotel heiress and Democratic Party power player Penny Pritzker — have continued this push, particularly around school closures. Currently on the table is a proposal to close 100 unionized neighborhood public schools around the city and replace them with 60 nonunion charters — a move that would simultaneously decimate the union’s membership, redirect public money to privately-run charters that lack basic mechanisms for public accountability, slash teachers’ salaries and benefits, and cause massive disruption in the poor black and brown neighborhoods where the majority of closures would take place.

Such blows have rained down upon the union from the Democrats for years, but the CTU, much like teachers union leadership nationally, was unsure of how to respond. But neighborhood-level fights had long been underway, led by parents whose children bore the brunt of disruptive school closures and corporate reform schemes. In 2004, a group of teachers organizing with parents around these struggles formed the Caucus of Rank-and-File Educators (CORE), a dissident group of teachers attempting to push the union left that eventually became the reform leadership slate that wrested control of the union in 2010.

Years before CORE even considered pursuing control of the union, then, its roots were in fights against local and national Democrats’ education agenda.

It was outrage at that agenda and its concomitant anti-teacherism that propelled CORE into leadership in 2010. Membership was angry, but lacked a clear political target for that anger, or a strong program for turning that anger into effective political power.

I asked Jesse Sharkey, the union’s vice president and a founding member of CORE, if union leadership had difficulties in convincing members to become openly critical of the Democrats; if one of the union’s tasks was to push a shift in teachers’ consciousness about the party. He said it “wasn’t as dramatic as all of that.”

“No one in the union had been happy about the Democrats on education, locally or nationally,” Sharkey said. “So rather than being a big shift, we essentially just acknowledged what most of our members already thought.”

The shift towards the destruction of public education through the embrace of the free market was well-known among Chicago teachers, as it is among many union workers in industries devastated by, say, NAFTA, the free trade agreement pushed and passed by Bill Clinton.

But where other unions have hoped that the party’s “Third Way” tendencies might be convinced to sway back towards supporting unions through continued massive expenditure of resources on the party, the CTU has taken a more confrontational stance.

“We know that we don’t have real friends in high places,” said Sharkey. “So we should stop depending on them.”

Contrast this with the national teachers unions’ response to such attacks by Democrats. The National Education Association (NEA) and the American Federation of Teachers (AFT), the two major educators’ unions in the country (the CTU is a member of the AFT), have continued giving generously to Democrats — around $30 million in publicly-disclosed donations and outside spending in the 2012 election cycle — while the party’s consensus continued to include attacking unions and weakening public education.

There have been rumblings of a potential rupture in the teachers union-Democratic coalition for years, as teachers have grown increasingly agitated at the attacks on their profession by Democrats. Numerous such stories cropped up most recently after “Won’t Back Down,” a Hollywood feature film starring Maggie Gyllenhaal widely panned as little more than a teacher-slandering propaganda piece (and a god-awful one, at that), was screened at the Democratic National Convention last year–technically an unofficial event, but one that required approval by the Obama White House. A particularly noxious piece of anti-union and anti-educator agitprop, given the green light to be screened at the party’s grand quadrennial event straight from the top.

Such attacks are escalating, yet neither union appears capable of fighting back. The NEA’s response has actually been to begin funding Republicans, like a State House candidate in Indiana who hadn’t spent much time on charter expansion or merit pay because he has been busy with bills to ban gay marriage and hunt down undocumented immigrants, or the Pennsylvania state representative who bragged that the voter ID law he helped craft would deliver his state to Mitt Romney in the election.

The AFT, the more progressive of the unions, has not started handing out cash to conservatives, but has gradually ceded ground to the reformers’ agenda. Education reporter Dana Goldstein has called the union’s president Randi Weingarten the “marker of the moving center.” Corporate reform groups like Democrats for Education Reform, a lobbying organization backed by Bill Gates and other ultra-wealthy donors that ran ads against the CTU during their strike, approve of her willingness to shift on issues like merit pay and teacher tenure, and have given her tepid praise as the kind of labor leader they can work with.

“You may look heroic when you yell at people,” Weingarten told Goldstein, “but if you actually find ways to really work together and reach across the aisle, that’s what I want.”

Handing funds over to not-quite-as-viciously-anti-teacher Republicans might temporarily light a fire under a few Democratic politicians, but it isn’t a real strategy for effective unionism–much less a way to build a broader social movement, when those recipients of teachers union funding are pursuing deeply reactionary causes like banning gay marriage.

And the kind of labor-management cooperation scheme Weingarten is hinting at might work for her, or might have worked for any number of leaders throughout labor history seduced by the promise of more effective and less confrontational unionism through partnership with management, if it were not always a ploy to convince leaders to identify more with the bosses they’re negotiating against rather than the workers they’re negotiating on behalf of. American labor history shows that such arrangements inevitably presage new attacks and demands for concessions from bosses–made much easier to accomplish by a union leadership enthralled with the attacks’ perpetrators.

One national teachers union has gone looking for support from opponents of modernity; the other seems to think it can be found in cozying up to those who’d like to see them destroyed. The center, meanwhile, shifts further and further towards the wholesale destruction of public education.

Beyond its changed relationship with Democrats, the CTU has built a vision for what school reform that shores up education as a public good could actually look like.  In February 2012, the union released “The Schools Chicago’s Students Deserve: Research-based Proposals to Strengthen Elementary and Secondary Education in the Chicago Public Schools,” a 46-page white paper that rebukes the Democratic education reform agenda as it has been carried out in CPS. It details the miserable state of city schools, but argues it is the city’s starving schools of resources, at the same time they have diverted massive funds to charters, that is responsible for these conditions.

It demands smaller class sizes, stronger and better-staffed “wraparound services” like nurses and social workers, an enriching curriculum rather than one centered on standardized testing’s dictates, and provision of basic facilities like libraries in all schools, while proposing to fund these things through progressive tax policies including an end to regressive school funding based on property taxes and a financial transactions tax.

The paper (which opens with the sentence “Every student in CPS deserves to have the same quality education as the children of the wealthy”) is the union’s public response to both the corporate reform agenda and, implicitly, teachers unions grudgingly capitulating to it. It is a proposal which cedes no ground to the neoliberals–contrasting sharply with other teachers union locals who have allowed significant concessions in contract negotiations over issues like merit pay, with minor caveats. It rejects the logic of austerity that excuses underfunding of public schools based on budget shortfalls, arguing that tax increases for the rich should make up the deficit.

The September strike was the vehicle through which the union could fight for that vision, both in the public eye and at the bargaining table. Under state law, the union could only strike over wages, benefits, and parts of teacher evaluations. While these were the issues on the table, publicly, the union made its case as the defenders of public education.

They spoke publicly of schools lacking libraries and arts teachers and air conditioning, of classroom overcrowding and a chronic lack of resources, of a general condition of “educational apartheid.” A widely circulated flier featured the faces of Mitt Romney and Rahm Emanuel, saying the two differed little on education. The strike was timed to cause a crisis for President Obama, less than two months before elections — despite pressure from local Democrats and national AFT leadership to back off.

The contract negotiated at the end of the strike included textbooks for all students on the first day of school, 600 new teachers in the arts and physical education, and mandatory recall of laid-off veteran teachers (rather than replacing them with young, inexperienced, cheaper teachers) when positions become available. Teacher evaluation based on standardized testing was negotiated to its legal minimum, 30 percent — contrasting with the Obama administration’s push under Race to the Top to increase the proportion of teacher evaluations based on standardized tests.

Both during the strike and in its lead-up, the CTU crafted and partially implemented the kind of coherent vision for education that had long been under attack by neoliberal Democrats in Chicago and nationally–and had not been articulated by teachers unions anywhere.

It was a vision that could not have come to fruition without the union’s practical ability to take mass action against those Democrats.

Little to none of the CTU’s political program could be pegged as “radical,” in the ideological sense of the word. They still do much of the traditional work of electoral politics–lobbying, endorsing candidates, almost entirely with Democrats. The fact that the union’s engagement with the Democrats is at all noteworthy perhaps speaks less to the CTU’s uniqueness and more to how pitiful the larger labor movement’s interactions with the party have become.

Possibilities for labor to part with the Democrats feel almost impossible today, or at least in the near future. The relationship between the two is too well-cemented, the tradition of dead generations of labor weighing so heavily on the living. The political formations to the left of the Democrats are in too great of disarray. And the stakes at the national and local legislative levels are far too high for unions to bow out of.

“Unions can’t afford to just say that we’re not going to play electoral politics because all of these choices are bad choices,” Sharkey said. “There’s a whole culture on the Left of people abstaining from the political realm. But we can’t simply take our ball and go home. That’s not realistic.”

Radicals often fetishize a clean break with the party, as if the ideological purity of such a stance could somehow make up for the loss of power it would entail. That kind of break is impossible. Knowing their leadership refused to engage with Democrats out of a principled stance against the party’s true class interests would do little to console union members watching their pensions gutted or their workplaces shuttered — those members want to see lobbying, horse-trading, backroom dealmaking, traditional bourgeois politicking, and would likely revolt against any leadership that refused to do so.

What is possible, and what is necessary, if labor and the broader left ever stand a chance of reversing the rightward shift of the Democrats and mounting an effective pushback against neoliberalism more broadly, is a shift in what that political engagement looks like, towards an increasingly confrontational stance with the sections of the Democratic Party now on the attack against unions and the public sphere.

That stance must be centered around labor’s ability and willingness to engage in mass action like strikes, rather the perpetual hope that the Democrats will someday return to labor’s corner through a continual moving of the goalposts rightward as national teachers unions and the broader labor movement have done.

The Chicago Teachers Union accomplished this in their 2012 strike. They identified who their allies and who their enemies were within the party; they forced the hand of those enemies in the streets with 30,000 striking educators, and they approached their allies from a new posture of power, with the threat of mass mobilization against those allies an unspoken but ever-present possibility.

It is the possibility of a labor movement that views its interactions with the Democratic Party with clear eyes and from a position of mass action-based power that stands a chance to beat back the party’s openly neoliberal wing, on education reform and elsewhere. Such a position can open up the space for unions to not simply respond to attacks, but to push its own positive agenda, on its own terms.

Chicago Teachers Fight Racist School “Turnarounds”

In 2012, Chicago teachers went on strike to protest the assault on rights of students and educators led by Mayor Emanuel under the banner of "school reform." The latest "reform" includes firing 347 teachers, overwhelmingly African Americans.

In 2012, Chicago teachers went on strike to protest the assault on rights of students and educators led by Mayor Emanuel under the banner of “school reform.” The latest “reform” includes firing 347 teachers, overwhelmingly African Americans.

Nathalie Hrizi

On Dec. 26, 2012, the Chicago Teachers Union and three Chicago public school teachers filed a federal lawsuit challenging the so-called turnaround process that has led to the termination of a disproportionate percentage of African American teachers.

In February 2012, Chicago Public Schools selected 10 schools in Chicago for “turnaround,” meaning all the teachers and the principal and teachers would be fired and replaced. CPS has never released any information on why or how these schools were chosen, other than to say that the schools were allegedly underperforming.

There are 287 schools arbitrarily designated by CPS as underperforming. All 10 of the schools selected for turnaround were in the West Side and South Side networks, where most of the African American teachers are assigned. African American teachers make up 35 percent of the educators at the selected schools while only 30 percent of tenured teachers in CPS schools are African American. Yet, more than 50 percent of the 347 teachers fired are African American.

The educators’ lawsuit asks for relief for all affected by the 2012 and future turnarounds as well as an immediate moratorium on turnarounds. It also seeks the appointment of an independent monitor to oversee future turnarounds, if any are permitted.

Ninety percent of the students in Chicago’s 578 non-charter public schools are from oppressed communities. Forty-two percent of those students are African American. But while the vast majority of students are from oppressed communities and a large portion of those are African American, their teachers are less and less representative of their communities. In 2000, 40 percent of teachers were African American. In 2010, only 29 percent were.

CPS turnarounds—in addition to constituting an attack on teachers’ unions and a reactionary policy for reform—have exacerbated a systemic problem persistent in, but certainly not limited to, the Chicago school system—that of institutionalized racism. Measures against affirmative action as well as budget cuts have spelled the death of programs and services intended to right the burden of a history of institutionalized racism that has effectively denied African American and other oppressed people education and work opportunities. Proponents of the current wave of anti-union school reform claim to be concerned about the education of Black and Latino children—yet as the CTU lawsuit shows, these reforms are denying children of color the opportunity to be taught by people from their own communities. All progressive people should support this struggle of the Chicago teachers, who conducted a heroic strike in the fall of 2012.

Turkish People Demand Peace with Syria

“How can we describe the policy that put Turkey into this situation? Is this ‘strategic depth,’ or strategic blindness? The process that resulted in Turkey’s becoming part of such a meaningless balance comes from a foreign minister whose incompetence is known by the entire world. You don’t need deep knowledge to know that. You have to be a real idiot to do that.”

— Kemal Kiliçdaroglu

New Worker

Tens of thousands of Turks have taken to the streets of Istanbul and Ankara to protest against their government’s provocations which have taken Turkey to the brink of war with Syria. And while the Turkish army continues to shell Syrian positions across the border the Syrian government has again called on Turkey to stop helping the rebels who use Turkey as a safe haven for their terrorist attacks.

Anti-war protests are spreading across Turkey following border clashes near Aleppo which have continued all week. The Islamist Turkish government, which openly supports the Syrian rebels, claims it is responding to Syrian army shelling that killed five Turks in the town of Akcakale last week. But local Turks blame their own government for allowing the town to be used as an infiltration route by the Nato-backed Syrian rebels and the Damascus media claim that the incident was a provocation by the rebels themselves to provide a pretext for open Turkish military support for the “Free Syrian Army”.

Turkish demonstrators, many carrying “No to War!” and “Hands off Syria” banners, are reflecting a growing fear throughout the country that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government is playing with fire. The protests have been backed by the communists and the social democratic Republican People’s Party whose virtual dominance of Turkish political life was ended when the AKP won the 2002 elections on a Muslim Brotherhood platform. Republican People’s Party leader Kemal Kiliçdaroglu, the leader of the opposition in the Turkish parliament, said he was against the shedding of Turkish soldiers’ blood in Arabian deserts and he called Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu an “idiot” for pursuing a policy that was isolating Turkey.

Kiliçdaroglu said that Turkey could only count on the support of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Iraq’s Kurdistan Regional Government and Hamas, the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood that controls the Gaza Strip, while Iran, Russia, China, Brazil and India oppose Turkey’s foreign policy on Syria.

“How can we describe the policy that put Turkey into this situation? Is this ‘strategic depth,’ or strategic blindness? The process that resulted in Turkey’s becoming part of such a meaningless balance comes from a foreign minister whose incompetence is known by the entire world. You don’t need deep knowledge to know that. You have to be a real idiot to do that,” Kiliçdaroglu said.

Though the AKP steamrollered a motion through the Turkish parliament authorising “necessary military action” across the border a survey by the Turkish newspaper Hurriyet (Liberty) concluded that 60 per cent of the public were opposed the parliamentary bill.

Meanwhile, in Damascus, progressive forces in the Syrian parliament have called for national unity in the face of the international conspiracy targeting their country. The National Progressive Front, which holds the majority in the newly elected People’s Assembly, is a ten party coalition that is led by the Arab Socialist Renaissance Party (Baath) and includes Syria’s two major communist parties.

During the two day conference this week Biskdash Ammar, general secretary of the Syrian Communist Party, emphasised the determination of the parties and national forces to defend the country against the attacks of imperialism, zionism and reactionary Middle East regimes and the leader of the Nasserist Arab Socialist Union, Safwan Kudsi, said that Syria faces a plot organised by regional and international enemies.

The conference stated that the Syrian Arab Army was the country’s shield in the face of any attack. They also agreed that fighting terrorism was the duty of all Syrians and stressed that the security of public institutions should be preserved.

National reconciliation and dialogue are the only means for solving Syria’s unrest the conference concluded in a final statement that established a coordination committee to implement the proposals discussed and agreed at the forum.

Protest Massacre of South African Miners!

Protest Initiated by Partisan Defense Committee

Protest Massacre of South African Strikers!
Free Jailed Miners—Drop All Charges!
Victory to the Striking Miners!

Protest outside of the South African Consulate
(at 38th Street and Tunnel Entrance St., between 1st and 2nd Ave.)
Thursday, August 30, 2012
4:30 p.m.–6 p.m.

On August 16, 34 striking platinum miners were massacred in cold blood at the Lonmin Platinum-run Marikana mine northwest of Johannesburg, South Africa. The South African cops, hirelings of the Tripartite Alliance government of the African National Congress (ANC), the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the COSATU trade-union federation, perpetrated this slaughter—one of the worst in South African history. The truth is that the blood of black workers is just as cheap today under the ANC/SACP/COSATU government as it was under apartheid rule. Despicably, the miners were blamed for this massacre! Some 260 workers were arrested the same day as the massacre and are now rotting in jail; they were denied bail and are facing charges ranging from public violence to murder and attempted murder. Workers internationally should demand: Drop all charges against the Lonmin striking miners! In response to the massacre, other miners have been raising demands similar to those that sparked the Marikana strike. We say: Victory to the striking South African miners!

The Spartacist League stands for working-class emancipation from wage slavery and for sweeping away this whole rotten capitalist system through socialist revolution, which will lay the basis for eradicating racial oppression and neocolonial subjugation. Many American blacks, whose oppression is deeply rooted in the bloody history of American chattel slavery, closely identify with the oppressed South African masses. But as in South Africa, where the Tripartite Alliance offers only a continuation of oppression under capitalism, the U.S. capitalist parties—Democrats, Republican and Greens—offer a similar dead end. What’s necessary is a multiracial workers party that fights in the interest of workers and the oppressed. For internationalist workers solidarity with the South African miners!